In 1978, Congress demonstrated its belief that it may alter a time limit in a proposing clause by extending the original ERA ratification deadline from March 1979 to June 1982. A challenge
to the extension’s constitutionality (Idaho v. Freeman, 1982) was dismissed by the Supreme Court as moot after the deadline expired, and no lower-court precedent stands.
Precedent regarding state rescissions of ratifications indicates that such actions are not valid.
In promulgating the 14th Amendment in 1868, Congress listed as ratifying states both states which had rescinded their ratifications and states which had first rejected and then ratified the
amendment.
Thus, under the principles of Dillon and Coleman, and considering that Congress voted to extend the ERA time limit and to accept the Madison Amendment’s 203-year ratification period as
“sufficiently contemporaneous,” the three-state strategy proposes that it is probable that Congress could choose to legislatively adjust or repeal ERA’s time limit constraint, determine whether or not state ratifications after the expiration of a time limit in a proposing clause are valid, and promulgate the ERA after the 38th state ratifies.
H.Res. 98 (Representative Robert Andrews, D-NJ, chief sponsor) in the 107th Congress promotes this strategy by stipulating that the House ofThe credibility of the three-state strategy was examined in a 1996 report from the Congressional Research Service, which concluded that acceptance of the Madison Amendment does in fact have implications for the premise that ratification of the ERA by three more states could allow Congress to declare ratification accomplished.
Despite Supreme Court rulings requiring a “sufficiently contemporaneous” time limit, the CRS analysis concluded that “Congress’ acceptance of the ratification of the 27th Amendment …appears to have disproved the assumption that, absent a deadline, an amendment ceases to be eligible
to be ratified merely because of the passage of time.” The three-state strategy expands on this concept to propose that amendments whose time limit is not in the text, such as the ERA, likewise remain viable for ratification indefinitely. While ERA opponents might argue that ratifications in 2001 or later could not be counted as contemporaneous with those from 1972–1982, the CRS report notes that “the acceptance of the Congressional Pay Amendment makes this argument much more difficult.”
By extending the original ERA deadline from 1979 to 1982, Congress has already shown that it claims authority to alter time limits placed in proposing, or resolving, clauses. In light of that
action, the CRS memorandum poses a key question: “Does this mean this (or another) Congress has the authority to recognize state ratifications of the ERA that may be received in the future, even though the deadlines have passed?”