Delvo
Дэлво Δε&#
http://www.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=66940
Mostly it's just the predictable details of what happens when you have to shrink the armed services in general: fewer troops, fewer amphibious assault ships, fewer cruisers, fewer cargo planes, fewer tactical planes, no big shock there. The amphibious assault ships might be interesting if they'd been cut on their own because their function is more offense than defense, but they're not the only thing being cut here. But the shrinkage isn't even, and anything that doesn't get cut ends up increased in a proportional sense, relative to the other stuff being cut around it. Just a few bits that stood out to me:
And on top of that, not only do I predict it will happen, but I say it's what should happen. Maybe all that trouble with developing new planes can be worth it if the plane is revolutionary enough, with a big enough difference from its predecessors, like F-22/F-35, but the requirements and proposals for the next new bomber aren't much different from B-2 anyway, and the politicians are bound to notice that as well. The solution, when the time comes to build new bombers, is going to be to build a new upgraded version of B-2, thus bypassing a lot of the process that's involved in a totally new plane. We can give them the newest sensors and skin and optional remote/auto-pilot and such without needing a totally new plane to put them on/in. I think Panetta is succumbing to cool-new-gadget syndrome on this one.
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Overall, although articles about Obama's announcement that were written before this budget came out said this budget is based on a shift in strategy, particularly with an emphasis on China, I don't see it. I just see general cutting, uneven but not in a way that shows that kind of pattern. For example, if China gets aggressive, it's more likely to do so on land than on the water, but the budget calls for a reduction in just about everything of ours on the ground (except special forces, which can't handle large-scale stuff on their own). It does seem to hold current levels for aircraft that are currently in service to support ground forces from the air, but against an army as huge as China's, we'd need to be increasing that, not just holding it steady. And this budget, as I mentiond above, is actually delaying (and can thus be expected to eventually reduce) our next planned big improvement in air-to-ground ability, the F-35. So we're looking at maintaining the ability to hold a hard line against China at sea, but going even farther than we already were down the path of simply leaving Asia alone to deal with China themselves on the land. In a military sense, it makes sense, because China's strength is on land not at sea, but it's a very mixed message in the political/diplomatic sense.
The only pattern I do see in these budget changes, strategy-wise, is more of the same general progression that we've seen since at least the early 1990s: it designs our military forces for relatively small (compared to China) actions done largely by aircraft and cruise missiles, with as little involvement of our troops on the ground as possible. Despite what Obama announced before Panetta's budget was released, there's no new strategy there, just a continuation of established trends.
Mostly it's just the predictable details of what happens when you have to shrink the armed services in general: fewer troops, fewer amphibious assault ships, fewer cruisers, fewer cargo planes, fewer tactical planes, no big shock there. The amphibious assault ships might be interesting if they'd been cut on their own because their function is more offense than defense, but they're not the only thing being cut here. But the shrinkage isn't even, and anything that doesn't get cut ends up increased in a proportional sense, relative to the other stuff being cut around it. Just a few bits that stood out to me:
I thought these might get cut, and they shouldn't, so this is not a bad start. They're the most important ships in our Navy for striking targets on the land from the air, which is the main thing our military forces have been used for lately and will be for the foreseeable future, and they're also very important against foreign naval threats (although you could say they're second to the missile/gun ships there). There are some ships we could cut from the Navy without reducing our abilities much, but these aren't the ones.maintaining the number of big-deck carriers
This just makes me wonder what they mean. There's no s[ecific entity described by the phrase "special operations forces", and the category includes units that are rather different from each other, so there's no telling what's being increased here. This quote was followed by one about the special forces returning to their traditional role as instructors to foreign armed forces, but that ISN'T their traditional role, so that whole thing makes no sense and has to be discarded as uninformative.Increasing the number of special operations forces is key to the plan
How is that different from before?After a decade of being an integral part of America’s wars, the reserve components will not go back to being a strategic Cold War-era reserve. The reserves will be the nation’s hedge against the unexpected, the secretary said.
Nifty. There wasn't much of a point left for those anymore and I've been wondering why we had them for a while anyway.base realignments and closures... The budget will eliminate two forward-based Army heavy brigades in Europe.
So they still aren't getting rid of the silly LCS. Oh well. That could have saved us some money without making any real difference in overall power/effectiveness. But at least they didn't mention getting even MORE of them....will base littoral combat ships in Singapore and Bahrain.
How does that work and how is it different from before? We already buy each other's equipment, which contributes to each other's research & development costs anyway. Currently, the USA does a disproportionate amount of the developing and the investing; does this new plan involve making it more even, and if so, how? I doubt we can get other countries to start doing more than they have been, so this sounds like reducing the USA's level to be more even with others. (And this is an item that Obama will reject anyway, if he sticks to his word of a couple of years ago, when he said he would end all development of any new weapon systems.)The United States and European allies also will look to share costs for new capabilities
Like the one about the special forces, this bit is just too vague.The budget sinks more money into technologies to prevail in an anti-access, aerial-denial scenario...
This is a mistake, but it's one that I'm sure will be corrected by Congress before it goes too far. Every new armed airplane gets more expensive and dragged through longer delays than the one before, to which the politicians can be counted on to respond by making it worse or just cancelling the thing completely, because high-tech weapon-planes make big fat targets for politicians. And the cost is also worse for bombers than for any other type anyway, so that alone would make the costs higher and the calls to kill it louder and more persistent and widespread than the already have been for F-22 and F-35, even if the trend generally weren't for it to get worse with each new plane over time anyway. With budgets only getting tighter for years to come, unless the process that's allowed it to get this way is severely reorganized, a new bomber simply has no chance. Even if projected schedules & costs don't cause them to kill it before any are built at all, the first few planes to be built will spend decades in Testing Hell sucking up trillions of dollars, and then the program will be killed for that....will fund the next-generation bomber...
And on top of that, not only do I predict it will happen, but I say it's what should happen. Maybe all that trouble with developing new planes can be worth it if the plane is revolutionary enough, with a big enough difference from its predecessors, like F-22/F-35, but the requirements and proposals for the next new bomber aren't much different from B-2 anyway, and the politicians are bound to notice that as well. The solution, when the time comes to build new bombers, is going to be to build a new upgraded version of B-2, thus bypassing a lot of the process that's involved in a totally new plane. We can give them the newest sensors and skin and optional remote/auto-pilot and such without needing a totally new plane to put them on/in. I think Panetta is succumbing to cool-new-gadget syndrome on this one.
Big dumb mistake, but probably one that won't be fixed like the above. Delaying and reducing funding for a high-tech airplane only makes the delays and costs worse. If you think the problem is that there's too much testing & development still left to be done, the way to fix that is to make more of them to use for more of that work to be done with them. And with this particular program, screwing around with it like this not only has a negative effect on the effectiveness of our own forces, but also does the same to our foreign allies who are waiting for these things! That makes US a more unreliable ally to them. And on top of that, taking a bite out of the F-35 program is contradictory to one of the other decisions in this budget proposal: maintaining the aircraft carrier fleet (which means making them proportionally more of our overall navy as other parts get cut) while delaying the arrival of the planes the carriers need to carry.The F-35... “we have slowed procurement to complete more testing and allow for developmental changes before buying in significant quantities,”
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Overall, although articles about Obama's announcement that were written before this budget came out said this budget is based on a shift in strategy, particularly with an emphasis on China, I don't see it. I just see general cutting, uneven but not in a way that shows that kind of pattern. For example, if China gets aggressive, it's more likely to do so on land than on the water, but the budget calls for a reduction in just about everything of ours on the ground (except special forces, which can't handle large-scale stuff on their own). It does seem to hold current levels for aircraft that are currently in service to support ground forces from the air, but against an army as huge as China's, we'd need to be increasing that, not just holding it steady. And this budget, as I mentiond above, is actually delaying (and can thus be expected to eventually reduce) our next planned big improvement in air-to-ground ability, the F-35. So we're looking at maintaining the ability to hold a hard line against China at sea, but going even farther than we already were down the path of simply leaving Asia alone to deal with China themselves on the land. In a military sense, it makes sense, because China's strength is on land not at sea, but it's a very mixed message in the political/diplomatic sense.
The only pattern I do see in these budget changes, strategy-wise, is more of the same general progression that we've seen since at least the early 1990s: it designs our military forces for relatively small (compared to China) actions done largely by aircraft and cruise missiles, with as little involvement of our troops on the ground as possible. Despite what Obama announced before Panetta's budget was released, there's no new strategy there, just a continuation of established trends.