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Alternatives to the Simple Majority Vote?

openingmind

Critical Thinker
Joined
Jun 3, 2010
Messages
416
What I hadn't thought of before today is that the opponents of gay marriage are making a deep assumption: that the matter can be solved by a simple majority vote.

The assumption, it seems, runs something like this: Living in a democracy means that the majority rules, even simple majorities that barely outnumber the next biggest group.

Closely matched antagonism is a recurring theme in American society and the solution heretofore has been: "Shut up, we beat you, fair and square. The score was 53-47. Why can't you stop whining and accept our point of view?"

If you shed your political convictions for a just a second, you can see this situation is ludicrous. How can you expect two almost equally matched, antagonistic groups to coexist harmoniously?

I can imagine it happening if I think of the antagonism as superficial. If the US took vote on whether Coke or Pepsi would be its National Soft Drink in title only and Coke won by a 6% margin, I can't imagine Pepsi drinkers being embittered to the extent of protests.

That's a stupid example, but the point is this: the efficacy of a simple majority vote depends entirely on the weight of the issue. How can we expect to resolve an issue of basic human rights with a simple majority vote?

I anticipate that in another few years the margin between proponents and opponents of gay marriage will slide in the direction of those "for" and what I'm talking about will be moot.

But when will we learn that simple majority votes in the case of closely matched groups are sometimes a bad approach to a problem? That they compound it? Cause bitterness, outrage, and drama?

The alternative in the American system is the 3/4ths majority. Proponents of gay marriage don't want that because the question is so seemingly closely contested.

But would it be unthinkable or dangerous to suggest that, in the case of closely matched contests, that one side essentially be given the "burden of proof" like a prosecutor in court? Popular law states that the accused is innocent until proven guilty. The prosecutor has the burden of proof; she must prove that the accused is guilty, or not innocent. They must prove the negative (not innocent) while the defense enjoys the assumption of the positive (innocent).

What if legal propositions of a certain type (like the proposition that gay citizens should enjoy the same benefits as hetero citizens) were resolved as if the proposition were the positive case ("innocent") and the opposition was effectively presenting a negative case ("not innocent")?

Reasonable doubt, I guess, is a lot like a simple majority vote -- if the doubt of innocence is even a little stronger than the assumption of innocence, then the prosecution wins (well, ideally).

What I'm suggesting is that opponents/prosecutors of certain, serious social propositions be required to win a vote by more than a narrow margin, that the "against" side be required to win by 75% or more.

What qualifies as a serious social proposition? Anything that would alter the basic rights of citizens: voting, property ownership, pay scale, tax eligibilities, or just about anything regulating pertaining to personal life (like marriage, adopting, getting an abortion, etc.)

The ideas of extremists in this situation would almost never succeed. Extremists win their battles currently because it's a lot easier to polarize a people than to recruit a solid majority (75%+).

In the world of logical argumentation, the burden of proof is always with the side asserting an extraordinary claim. The opponents of gay marriage are making a terrifically extraordinary claim: that some people don't deserve all the basic rights. The proponents are arguing that all people (well, gays) deserve the same rights (specifically the right to marry).

Which do you think is the more extraordinary claim? Would you say it's a conventionally accepted fact that all kinds of humans deserve the same rights?

Or think of it this way...The claim that gays don't deserve marriage rights is an ontologically positive argument. They're claiming that there's such a thing as a "real marriage" and that it exists only between a man and woman. Or else they're saying that there's some essential difference of being between heterosexuals and homosexuals.

It's too bad that we don't vote on the individual arguments behind the reason for a vote.

It's hard to see that opponents of gay marriage are making an ontological argument, but once you hear their rhetoric it's obvious. They're arguing ontologically for "sin," that this thing called sin exists and homosexuals have it and accrue it by practicing homosexuality. And they're arguing ontologically for "God" and that "God" would never sanction a gay marriage since being gay is a sin and hence there is "real marriage" (God-sanctioned) and "fake" or Devil's marriage.

I didn't want to get into the whole religious side of it, but as I writing this I realized that you just can't separate the supporting arguments from the main argument. The vote against gay marriage is a main argument with supporting arguments that are extraordinary, ontological arguments.

Dealing with this problem by a simple majority vote is an attempt to bypass meaningful, logical debate.

But I don't propose that anti-gay marriage advocates only be allowed to win by providing proof for sin and God (as awesome as that would be). I only suggest that the simple majority approach is totally inappropriate and unrealistic.
 
Wait, so how do we determine which side needs a supermajority?
In your answer please if possible avoid using words like "ontological."
Also please try to make it compact.
 
yeah,let's just toss everything in the dustbin because the homos can't get their way.
 
What I hadn't thought of before today is that the opponents of gay marriage are making a deep assumption: that the matter can be solved by a simple majority vote.
Which opponents of gay marriage are you talking about, exactly? There are many different groups opposing gay marriage, in many different jurisdictions, under many different preexisting legal frameworks...

... Which brings me to my next question: Which "simple majority vote" are you talking about, exactly? It's been my experience that highly controversial and hotly contested issues are never resolved by a "simple" anything, majority or otherwise...

... Which brings me to my next question: What makes you think that this assumption is a defining characteristic of opponents of gay marriage? Isn't it possible that many such groups see the problem as being much more complicated, and much more difficult?

... Which brings me to my final question: Would you object if you thought proponent of gay marriage were in the majority, and they thought this highly-controversial, hotly-contested issue can be solved by a simple majority vote?
 
Well, in a lot of states where gay marriage has been contested the public has voted on it and a simple majority has decided the issue (simple majority meaning 50.1% or more).

There are a lot of different kinds of groups opposing gay marriage, but in my experience the groups are all opposing it for the same reasons: they think being gay is immoral or unnatural or both.

By "simple majority" I mean more than 50%. That's how Prop 8 in California was decided. And that's how it was decided in Utah, by a simple majority vote.

I don't necessarily think that opponents of gay marriage are actively thinking that it can be solved by a simple majority vote -- but that is, in fact, how the problem is being solved across the nation.

I'm questioning whether simple majority votes are really an effective way of dealing with problems with such a closely matched antagonism.

Would I object to a simple majority vote if gay rights advocates were in the majority? That's a fair question. Probably I wouldn't. All I'm saying with this thread is that the national situation with gay marriage has made me question whether simple majority votes should be used to resolve problems like this. Whether a simple majority vote should be used to decide something with such far-reaching consequences on a basic human rights level.

I suspect that in a few years that gay rights advocates will be in the majority (over 50%) and that will be that.

It's just that I'm asking myself philosophically if simple majority votes are appropriate in this context. Obviously they're great if you think you can rally enough support.

@Puppycow: I'm suggesting we decide which side needs a supermajority by determining who's making the extraordinary claim.

As regards gay marriage, which of these two claims do you think is the more extraordinary:

(1) Law-abiding US citizens deserve the same rights.

(2) Only law-abiding US citizens of a certain type deserve the same rights.

Opponents of gay marriage are implicitly arguing #2 (as it refers to the right to marry).

I'm also thinking that propositions be required to have extremely clear premises. For instance, if a proposition states "whereas marriage should only be between a man and a woman," it should be explained why that's being stated. Why should it only be between a man and woman? Then, if the premise explaining why includes an extraordinary claim -- like the notion of God -- then the proposition automatically gains the need for a supermajority on one side (75%+). (The side making the extraordinary claim has to get 75% of the votes.)

The backlash of this would be that if extraordinary claims, like God, were validated in the form of laws that people would confuse a bunch of people legally agreeing with it with it being actually true (fallacy of Ad Populum).
 
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That's a stupid example, but the point is this: the efficacy of a simple majority vote depends entirely on the weight of the issue. How can we expect to resolve an issue of basic human rights with a simple majority vote?

We don't. We let Congress debate these issues because they have a better understanding of what is and isn't Constitutional than the average American does.

ETA: the state-wide referenda were not always placed on the ballot to actually decide the matter. Some were placed on the ballot to ensure high voter turnout among conservatives. Others were placed on the ballot because the state legislature din't want to debate the issue and they wanted the referenda results to use as evidence that we shouldn't have gay marriage.
 
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Yeah. Still, I think even in Congress that there ought to be better criteria for determining how an issue is voted on -- whether it needs simple majority, supermajority (or unanimity).

I'm of the opinion that very important matters should never be put to a simple majority vote, and that there should be a means of deciding which side has to have a supermajority.
 
@Puppycow: I'm suggesting we decide which side needs a supermajority by determining who's making the extraordinary claim.
And who gets to determine which claim is extraordinary? And how are these people elected or selected?

As regards gay marriage, which of these two claims do you think is the more extraordinary:

(1) Law-abiding US citizens deserve the same rights.

(2) Only law-abiding US citizens of a certain type deserve the same rights.

Opponents of gay marriage are implicitly arguing #2 (as it refers to the right to marry).
Who gets to determine that the issue is framed this way?

Also, how do we get from the system we have now to the system you propose? Is proposing that there is a need for a different system an ordinary claim or an extraordinary claim? And who decides that?
 
I'm also thinking that propositions be required to have extremely clear premises. For instance, if a proposition states "whereas marriage should only be between a man and a woman," it should be explained why that's being stated. Why should it only be between a man and woman? Then, if the premise explaining why includes an extraordinary claim -- like the notion of God -- then the proposition automatically gains the need for a supermajority on one side (75%+). (The side making the extraordinary claim has to get 75% of the votes.)


Throughout all of human history, marriage has always been been understood and defined as a union between a man and a woman. That is what marriage is.

This has been true in nearly every society, all over the world, even in those societies that have had no connection with western religions.

It is the proponents of “gay marriage” who are making the extraordinary claim here—that a vulgar mockery of something is, and should be treated as, exactly the same thing as the real thing that is being mocked.
 
By a simple majority vote of course.

So, Bob Blaylock could be elected and then we would have a situation where you now need a supermajority to get gay marraige, and it would take even longer to get the result that openingmind wants than if the system had been left as is.
 
Democracy is a really crappy system, but it's better than all the other ones we've tried before.

It's tempting to say that democracy should only be applied to issues that genuinely concern the public. That isues such as gay marriage or what someone puts into their body is an entirely private matter not ammenable to politics.

While it is tempting it is not a long term solution. Over time, no barrier constitutional or otherwise will be able to hold back against either slow erosion or outright alteration of the constitution if popular opinion remains set against it.
 
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Throughout all of human history, marriage has always been been understood and defined as a union between a man and a woman. That is what marriage is.
Sorry, no.

Throughout all of human history, marriage has always been been understood and defined as a union between a man and one or more women. There were a few exceptions, but that was the rule.
 
The assumption, it seems, runs something like this: Living in a democracy means that the majority rules, even simple majorities that barely outnumber the next biggest group.

Closely matched antagonism is a recurring theme in American society and the solution heretofore has been: "Shut up, we beat you, fair and square. The score was 53-47. Why can't you stop whining and accept our point of view?

I think you might want to read some Benjamin Barber. Start with his article "Voting Is Not Enough: A Plan for Strengthening Democracy" in the June 1984 issue of The Atlantic.

Specific to your question, he suggests an alternative to a simple "Yes-No" vote. Referenda could have more than these options, or to be more precise, two or more versions of "yes" and two or more versions of "no" with a brief reason for the choice. Here is the example Barber uses in the article.

Benjamin Barber in The Atlantic said:
A strong democratic referendum process would also use a multi-choice format in place of the conventional yea-nay format. Citizens would be offered a set of choices capable of eliciting nuanced and thoughtful responses. A ballot on a proposal for the public funding of abortions might look something like this:

(1) YES: I strongly support the public funding of abortion clinics.

(2) YES: I support the principle of public funding of abortion clinics, but I am concerned by the intensity of arguments against the proposal, and suggest we proceed with caution.

(3) NO: I am strongly opposed to abortion clinics in principle, and am equally opposed to the public funding of such clinics.

(4) NO: I am not necessarily opposed to abortion clinics in principle, but do not support public funding as formulated in this proposal. I suggest reformulation and resubmission.

(5) NO: I am opposed to action on this proposal now, even though I am not necessarily against the principle of public funding of abortion clinics. There is too much acrimony and opposition at present, and I believe we need more debate and deliberation before action is taken.​

Now, the yeas and the nays on such a ballot would be counted in the aggregate, and the proposal would pass or fail as legislation in the usual majoritarian manner--on first reading, only provisionally, of course. But the insistence on reasoned and shaded responses would compel citizens to examine why they vote as they do, not just how. And the shaded outcomes would permit a community to learn more about itself and why a given measure passed or failed. A bill that passed by a small majority in the (2) column and was opposed by a large minority in the (3) column might suggest proceeding with great caution, and could induce some voters to switch their votes to No in the (5) column the second time around. A bill defeated primarily by No votes in the (5) column would be an ideal proposal for reformulation and resubmission, because, though defeated, it would not have aroused much principled opposition.

Forced to attach reasoned explanations to every vote, citizens would have to start making fine distinctions: How strongly do I feel? Is the achievement of my goal worth destabilizing the community? If I support something weakly is it prudent to overrule a minority that opposes it strongly? Might not a postponement or reformulation better serve the long-term interests of the entire community? The multi-choice format in fact solicits from citizens a judgment about the public good rather than a private preference. It does not ask what you want; it asks what you think is good for the community. It is thus a form of civic education even as it is a form of balloting, and it strengthens democracy not simply by allowing citizens to choose alternative futures but by urging them to think like public beings with common concerns.

You could use this format to write a different ballot for marriage equality, or any other controversial question. This could be advisory to a legislature, or a referendum with the force of law. Barber's article also suggests two votes ("readings") six months apart, among other details. But the basic idea seems to touch on your concern.

Barber has written a lot about what he calls "strong" democracy. You sound like you might like to check out his work in that area.
 
openingmind.

As I see it, you are talking about a non-issue in the US. since laws must comport with the state and US constitutions (as interpreted by the state and US supreme courts), the will of the majority can, and often has, been overturned.

I think this current system, which restricts certain types of laws based on a constitution has served us well, and far better than the alternate that you propose.
 
Throughout all of human history, marriage has always been been understood and defined as a union between a man and a woman.

Throughout a great deal of human history, marriage was understood as the transfer of ownership of a woman from father to husband. Appeals to tradition make for very poor arguments.
 
Talking about polygamy is NOT appealing to tradition. Polygamy is the major form of marriage worldwide in the present.
 
@GreyArea: Yeah, that's totally what I'm thinking about now, how voting needs to escape the binary form. I think in some way it reinforces people falling for false dichotomies and getting so polarized.
 

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